Article by Monika Verma. Abstract: Rohingyas are one of the most persecuted ethnic minorities in the world, stated by the United Nations. They are a group of Burmese Muslim people from Rakhine state in Myanmar situated on Myanmar’s western coast adjacent to the Bay of Bengal in the Indian ocean. In […]
Article by Hanh T. L. Nguyen. Abstract: Drawing on a book chapter (Rodan & Hewison, 2006) and an article (Gainsborough, 2010) about the working of neoliberalism in Southeast Asia, this article discusses the various outcomes of the US’s efforts to liberalize Southeast Asia. Through the cases of Singapore, Thailand, and […]
Article by LI QI. Abstract: Until 2018, the number of domestic migrant workers in mainland China exceeded 280 million people, occupying 20% of the overall population. They endured unequal citizenship due to the urban-rural divide. Although they worked and lived in cities, they rarely had access to urban welfare. This […]
Article by Lungani Hlongwa. Abstract: According to Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas), India has the most socio-environmental conflicts in the world. EJAtlas is an interactive map that documents environmental conflicts around the world. Although the map does not provide a comprehensive list of conflicts, it does provide enough data to draw conclusions. […]
Article by Noorah Fazal Jukaku. Abstract: Postcolonial theory is a study of the impacts of imperialism and its cultural hegemony over the colonized people. Western imperialism took over many parts of the Arab world, colonizing them not only through military intervention but also by maintaining a cultural hegemony. They intended to […]
Article by Min-Erh Wang (王敏而). Abstract: Generally Speaking, postcolonial studies and Cold War history are deemed as different research categories. Postcolonial scholarships concentrate on the history of British and French empires, and their colonies in the nineteenth century, while the focal point of Cold War studies is the political competition […]
Article by YIN Shuhong (尹姝红). Abstract: White nationalism is the evitable political trend in the current U.S. Three reasons for the rise of white nationalism will be demonstrated in this article: firstly, current identity politics actually marginalized the white race and become a new norm to restrain people’s discourse. Thus the […]
Article by LEE Cheng Hoe (李政豪). 摘要: 在2018年5月9日，執政馬來西亞長達60年的國陣（Barisan National，前身為聯盟），遭遇滑鐵盧，馬來西亞實現第一次政黨輪替。其中過去國陣視為定存州(Deposit State)的沙巴（Sabah）亦伴隨著這股民主化浪潮，不只大部分國會議席都失手，連州政權都轉交給了本土反對派的沙巴民興黨（Parti Warisan Sabah），後者是現任馬來西亞聯合政府–希望聯盟（Pakatan Harapan）之友黨。位於馬來西亞東部的沙巴，一直都是國陣的大票倉，如果對於沙巴州政權稍有閃失，就會直接動搖中央政府執政聯盟的根基。可是一般政治學界只將焦點放在馬來半島的政黨派系競爭，忽視沙砂兩個邊緣州屬的權力變動。威權體制下執政主體的巫統（United Malays National Organization，簡稱UMNO），高舉馬來民族主義色彩之旗幟，對於地緣上文化和族裔都與之截然不同的沙巴，何以適當地解決代理人問題（Agency Problem）？威權統治者圍繞這一問題所行使的管理手法，使得本文試圖解釋兩點事實，一個是為何巫統急欲迎進印尼的馬來裔和菲律賓的穆斯林到沙巴州，並給予他們身份證和土著公民權地位以改變沙巴的人口結構；另一個則是巫統自1963年至今，在管理沙巴上所採取的四點策略，即1963-1990期間的守勢策略、1990-1994期間的攻勢策略、1994-2003期間的共識策略，以及2003-2018期間的壟斷策略。 關鍵字：巫統、沙巴、代理人問題、威權政體、族群政治 Abstract: “Barisan National” (formerly known as the Alliance Party), a coalition that took over Malaysia for 60 years, had been defeated by the opposite coalition “Pakatan Harapan” (The Alliance of Hope) in the […]
